Mark Kurlansky’s World Without Fish (2011) is a children’s nonfiction book that explains the overfishing crisis to young readers. Using a combination of text, illustrations, diagrams, and graphic novel, Kurlansky charts a path through the complex constellation of “biology, economics, evolution, politics, climate, history, culture, food, and nutrition” that shapes the problem and its potential solutions (Kurlansky, Mark. “The World Without Fish: How Kids Can Help Save The Oceans.” MarkKurlansky.com). A former commercial fisherman and a journalist with more than 15 years of experience as a foreign correspondent, he is uniquely qualified to write about this global issue. Kurlansky has published 39 books, both fiction and nonfiction. His 1997 book Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World was an international bestseller, and Nonviolence: Twenty-Five Lessons from the History of a Dangerous Idea (2006) won the 2007 Dayton Literary Peace Prize. He has also written several award-winning children’s books, such as The Cod’s Tale (2001) and The Story of Salt (2006). World Without Fish won the Gold Award from the National Parenting Publications Awards in 2011.

This guide is based on the 2018 Workman Publishing Company e-book edition of the text.

Summary

Kurlansky opens the book by broadly outlining the problem: Within 50 years, the fish most commonly eaten by humans (such as salmon, cod, and tuna) could be commercially extinct due to overfishing. Using Charles Darwin’s ideas about evolution and the struggle for survival as a scientific foundation, he explains that overfishing will upset the delicate ecological balance of the oceans and have cumulative effects on the entire food chain, even for animals (including humans, who are not separate from nature) on land.

The problem began in the late 19th century when engine-powered ships allowed fishermen to haul much larger beam trawls (nets attached to a large beam that are dragged through the ocean, often along the ocean floor, and catch fish indiscriminately). A combination of technological advancements, such as well boats; railroads connecting ports to major cities; and later, after World War II, sonar to help locate fish, dramatically increased the capacity to catch fish, and fish populations began to decline. Because of the prevailing belief that nature was an indestructible and endless resource, fishermen and governments did not worry about depleted fish populations and simply moved to new waters when the fish ran out.

Once governments grew concerned about overfishing, many blamed foreign fishermen and attempted to protect their own waters. Britain, for example, wanted to fish in Icelandic waters and considered Iceland’s ban on foreign fishermen an act of war. Ownership of the sea isn’t generally accepted in international law, but Iceland established a 200-mile perimeter around its shores after repelling the British Royal Navy in a series of violent but largely bloodless conflicts at sea between 1958 and 1975. Then, other governments followed suit and even began investing in their own fishing fleets. This strategy proved disastrous for the Canadian government, which was making so much money from the stock of fish in the Grand Banks that they ignored signs the fish were disappearing. In 1992, they were forced to ban fishing in the Grand Banks because the fish were essentially gone. The cod population still has not recovered, and the loss of fishing was devastating to the economy and culture of Newfoundland and Labrador.

Despite the threat of overfishing, stopping fishing altogether is not an option because many people also rely on fish as a source of healthy protein, and fishing is central to the livelihood of many communities. One solution is fish farming, which comes with its own host of problems, the biggest among them being that it produces a lot of pollution and waste. Another solution is imposing limits on how much fishermen can catch, either by regulating the amount of fish they can catch or limiting the time they are allowed to spend at sea. This strategy can lead to wasted fish; if fishermen are over their limit, they have to throw back fish that have already died. Finally, governments can temporarily close at-risk fishing areas to give fish populations time to recover. This strategy is generally successful, but it is difficult to know exactly how long populations need to recover. None of these strategies works alone, but fishing practices must be regulated to become more sustainable.

However, overfishing is not the only thing affecting fish populations. Climate change and pollution are serious problems, too, and like overfishing, they require a global response. Oil spills, such as the one in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, have a long-lasting impact on an important ecosystem. Harmful pollutants such as mercury, chromium, and PCBs continue to cause damage because they don’t break down, are eaten by small animals, and then become more concentrated as they move up the food chain. The increase in global temperatures due to climate change has already had an observable impact on animals as well. Fish migrating north in search of cooler waters disrupt the natural order, and excessive levels of carbon in the water may be suppressing growth and reproduction rates.

Kurlansky ends the book with a call to action, urging readers to purchase only fish that have been caught responsibly. While making informed consumer choices is difficult due to the complex and ever-shifting nature of fish populations, he provides a list of organizations that can help keep people informed. He also suggests that protesting and writing to elected officials are effective ways to pressure governments and fisheries to ensure the necessary changes are made.